Saturday, October 24, 2020

Rise and Fall of the US

What happened to our 20th century solidarity?

A recent issue of The New Republic carried an article by its publisher that discussed Robert Putnam's diagnosis of the decline of American civic community and solidarity. In the generational arcs of US history, we have had high solidarity, and consequent productive and progressive political eras, only a few times- the colonial era, the Republican interlude while the South had seceded, the progressive era around the turn of the 20th century, and the post-WW2 boom. Perhaps much of the 20th century could be classified that way, up to the 1970s. At any rate, we are obviously not in such an era now. We are, in contrast, floundering in an era of incredible political and social divisiveness, of unproductive public institutions, and of social atomization.

"Just as Putman and Garrett identify an upswing, they also trace a decline beginning in the 1970s. For this, too, they offer an explanation that departs from the standard historical narrative, suggesting that it was not Ronald Reagan who brought the long period of liberal rule to an abrupt halt, but rather the baby boomer of the 1960s who, turning from the communitarian idealism of the early part of the decade toward a more self-oriented direction, set off a chain reaction that ended up blowing the whole Progressive-liberal order to smithereens."

But the article does not really articulate what happened, other than to cite the many dramas of that time, and propose that the US had a bit of a "nervous breakdown", in a transition from a conformist 50's, through the wide-open and tumultuous 60's, to the me-centered 70's. Perhaps this dates me, but I did live through some of those times, and I think can offer a more specific analysis. I'd suggest that the principal elements of the downturn arose from fundamental violations of trust by the state. The US had conducted WW2 with great moral and logistical authority. The grunts always grumbled, and there were plenty of fiascos along the way, but overall, there was a consensus that the elites and people in charge knew what they were doing. They not just won the war, but fostered unprecedented prosperity in its wake. 

All this turned around in the late 60's. I am also reading a history of the CIA, by Tim Weiner, "Legacy of Ashes". This is a deeply biased book, focusing on every failure of the CIA, pronouncing it as an institution utterly and irredeemably incompetent. What is noticeable, however, is that the CIA's successes are generally far more costly than its failures. The coups it sponsored in Iran and Guatemala, et al. came back to haunt us down to the present day. Eisenhower founded this pandora's box of disastrous meddling, (i.e. covert action) and Kennedy accelerated its use. One of its signature accomplishments was the slow process of getting us enmeshed in the Vietnam war. This was the single most influential disaster that discredited the US government to its own citizens. While in principle, we were doing a great thing- saving South Vietnam from communism and totalitarianism- in practice, we had no idea what we were doing, did not understand the nature of the civil war, or the impossible corruption of our allied government, and conducted the war in a fog of lies and delusions. The daily body counts were a visceral expression of revulsion against the state.

But this kind of incompetence became a pattern in major events like Watergate, inflation, the oil crisis, and the Iran hostage crisis. Each one showed that our leaders did not know what they were doing- the best and brightest turned out unequal to the crises we faced. A succession of presidents fell victim to fundamental breaches of trust with the country. Inflation, for example, made us feel helpless- that the money itself was being eaten away by processes that were virtually occult in their mystery and darkness. Gerald Ford urged a kind of vodoo economics- that perhaps a public relations campaign urging personal savings and voluntary spending reductions could heal "the economy". But the solidarity he was counting on was evaporating, and the rationale was transparently absurd and unequal to the crisis, which had been brought on by the oil shock and by profligate government spending and interest policy through the Vietnam era. It would not be until the advent of Paul Volcker that we would get a public servant with the courage and intellect to slay this beast, through an extremely costly campaign of squelching private investment.


So it was not Ronald Reagan who started the process of me-ism over patriotic solidarity. He was only expressing the sad consequence of a long series of failures and breaches of faith when he claimed that government is not the solution, government is the problem. So what was the alternative? The other major institutions of common action were and remain the corporation, and this era saw the valorization of capitalism as the system that works. It had the Darwinian structure and motivations that enforced effectiveness, even excellence. It was the environment that unleashed entrepreneurial freedom, then harnessed it for the common good. We know now that all this was vastly oversold, and ignored all the reasons why we have states to start with. But the pendulum had swung decisively from the public sphere to the private.

An unfortunate consequence of such a swing is that the party and ideology of privatization has little interest in fostering effective governance. So the competence of the state erodes further with time, becoming increasingly unable to do basic functions, and becoming corrupt as private interests gain relative power. Our current administration, were it not in power, would be a parody of self-serving corruption and incompetence. It is the pinacle of the Reagan revolution, and it is degrading, day by day, our ability to govern ourselves. This seems to be why these generational shifts take so long to correct. It is not only that we need to recognize the hole we have fallen into on an intellectual and scholarly level, but that enough voters (and enough extra to overcome the entrenched powers of capital in propaganda, lobbying, campaign finance, and other forms of corruption) have to have felt this in their bones to give an alternative ideology a chance to retake charge of the state and rebuild its capacity for effective action. 

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